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Zinc Facts - Periodic Table of the Elements

Zinc Facts - Periodic Table of the Elements Atomic Number: 30 Symbol: Zn Atomic Weight: 65.39 Discovery: known since prehistoric time Electron Configuration: [Ar] 4s2 3d10 Word Origin: German zinke: of obscure origin, probably German for tine. Zinc metal crystals are sharp and pointed. It could also be attributed to the German word zin meaning tin. Isotopes: There are 30 known isotopes of zinc ranging from Zn-54 to Zn-83 . Zinc has five stable isotopes: Zn-64 (48.63%), Zn-66 (27.90%), Zn-67 (4.10%), Zn-68 (18.75%) and Zn-70 (0.6%). Properties Zinc has a melting point of 419.58Â °C, a boiling point of 907Â °C, a specific gravity of 7.133 (25Â °C), with a valence of 2. Zinc is a lustrous blue-white metal. It is brittle at low temperatures but becomes malleable at 100-150Â °C. It is a fair electrical conductor. Zinc burns in air at high red heat, evolving white clouds of zinc oxide. Uses: Zinc is used to form numerous alloys, including brass, bronze, nickel silver, soft solder, Geman silver, spring brass, and aluminum solder. Zinc is used to make die castings for use in the electrical, automotive, and hardware industries. The alloy Prestal, consisting of 78% zinc and 22% aluminum, is nearly as strong as steel yet exhibits superplasticity. Zinc is used to galvanize other metals to prevent corrosion. Zinc oxide is used in paints, rubbers, cosmetics, plastics, inks, soap, batteries, pharmaceuticals, and many other products. Other zinc compounds are also widely used, such as zinc sulfide (luminous dials and fluorescent lights) and ZrZn2 (ferromagnetic materials). Zinc is an essential element for humans and other animal nutrition. Zinc-deficient animals require 50% more food to gain the same weight as animals with sufficient zinc. Zinc metal is not considered toxic, but if fresh zinc oxide is inhaled it can cause a disorder referred to as zinc chills or oxide shakes. Sources: The primary ores of zinc are sphalerite or blende (zinc sulfide), smithsonite (zinc carbonate), calamine (zinc silicate), and franklinite (zinc, iron, and manganese oxides). An old method of producing zinc was by reducing calamine with charcoal. More recently, it has been obtained by roasting the ores to form zinc oxide and then reducing the oxide with carbon or coal, followed by distillation of the metal. Zinc Physical Data Element Classification: Transition Metal Density (g/cc): 7.133 Melting Point (K): 692.73 Boiling Point (K): 1180 Appearance: Bluish-silver, ductile metal Atomic Radius (pm): 138 Atomic Volume (cc/mol): 9.2 Covalent Radius (pm): 125 Ionic Radius: 74 (2e) Specific Heat (20Â °C J/g mol): 0.388 Fusion Heat (kJ/mol): 7.28 Evaporation Heat (kJ/mol): 114.8 Debye Temperature (K): 234.00 Pauling Negativity Number: 1.65 First Ionizing Energy (kJ/mol): 905.8 Oxidation States: 1 and 2. 2 is the most common. Lattice Structure: Hexagonal Lattice Constant (Ã…): 2.660 CAS Registry Number:7440-66-6 Zinc Trivia: Zinc is the 24th most abundant element in the Earths crust.Zinc is the fourth most common metal used today (after iron, aluminum, and copper).Zinc exposed to air will form a layer of zinc carbonate by reacting with carbon dioxide. This layer protects the metal from further reactions with air or water.Zinc burns white-green in a flame test.Zinc is the last period four transition metal.Zinc oxide (ZnO) was once called philosophers wool by alchemists because it looked like wool when collected on a condenser after burning zinc metal.Half of the zinc produced today is used to galvanize steel to prevent corrosion.The U.S. penny is 97.6% zinc. The other 2.4% is copper. Sources Los Alamos National Laboratory (2001), Crescent Chemical Company (2001), Langes Handbook of Chemistry (1952), CRC Handbook of Chemistry Physics (18th Ed.) International Atomic Energy Agency ENSDF database (Oct 2010)

Water Resource Plan Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Water Resource Plan - Essay Example The equipment required for fishing including the boats and nets are expensive to maintain. So, the last thing in their mind is the conservation of the marine environment. Also, the nature of marine life is such that it is difficult to estimate the existing population levels at various marine habitats. This means that the problem of over-fishing comes to light when it’s too late to reverse the trend (Alive, 2007). At this juncture, a systematic, scientific and feasible plan is required to manage marine resources and ensure sustainability. Many experts within the fishing industry are working towards healthy, sustainable marine ecosystems, so that the future for its inhabitants is made secure. What is called for is a legitimate, proactive plan of action, with long term objectives in order that fisheries across the globe will be healthy and ecologically-balanced. Such a state of affairs will make sure that fishing does not have a negatively effect on marine ecosystems. (Neori, et. al., 2007) To start with, fisheries management requires taking careful account of the more vulnerable marine ecosystems whose conditions may have a huge impact on fish stocks and their productivity. On identifying these, no-take zones or no-travel zones could be imposed on commercial fishing expeditions to prevent disruption of â€Å"fish spawning, breeding, and annual marine migrations†. Protection of these sensitive habitats at crucial junctures in time helps depleted fish populations to replenish and makes sure that the process of long-term sustainability and productivity of a fishery is underway (Alive, 2007). Other measures are also required as part of the sustainability management plan. For example, in order for a marine ecosystem to maintain its health, instances fish catching expeditions will have to be curtailed to allow the target species (the ones identified to be on the verge of extinction but whose role in the marine

Low risk 1 his civi Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Low risk 1 his civi - Essay Example Limit to immediate as well as ordinary jurisdiction by the pope. In this law, the pope has power accorded to him by virtue of the office that he holds. In this regard, due to the virtue of his office, the pope has some powers to forgive sins and mistakes as per his judgment of the nature of the sins (Spielvogel, 5). Despite having massive powers bestowed upon him, the pope is not above God. God is the supreme creator and controller of the earth who everyone ought to worship (Ratzinger, 12). Therefore, pope is just but a servant who leads his flock or people to the direction that pleases him. In case the faithful and the pope goes astray, he humbles them. This case limits the powers of the pope to the interpretation of the natural law. Therefore, all powers of determining that is lawful in the family and society rests with the pope (Newadvent, 1). The pope thereby, interprets the manner and way by which the faithful are supposed to live on earth since they are living things. The pope has a limit to the legislative power where he has powers to alter, abrogate, and alter the laws he has established or those crafted by the predecessors. The pope is the only person who can free people from canonical rules, thus releasing them and forgiving the sins that they had committed (Ratzinger, 18). The canonical rules are issues of great moment and thus, require the intervention of the pope who provides direction and resolves the technical issues or cases. Moreover, the pope can dispense the faithful from committing to pure canonical or ecclesiastical laws as well as grant exemptions and privileges as per their

Maritime Technology 2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Maritime Technology 2 - Essay Example Development of Container Ships Container ships are usually defined in terms of TEU or twenty foot equivalent units. An 8500 TEU for example can transport 8500; twenty foot equivalent units of containers between two ports. With time being a critical factor for most globalized operations and fuel costs increasing by the day it has become inevitable for the shipping owners to transport maximum number of containers possible in one single voyage. This has lead to a continuous research and study into the development of new designs of increased capacity that would be capable of withstanding the rigours at sea. At the time, it should also be able to navigate easily through different canals and seas offering varying degrees of drafts. (Container Ship Types, 2000) Source: 4250 TEU Container ship, (Container Ship Focus, June 2006) Technical Requirements Purchasing of 18000 TEU ships is a matter of great achievement for any company and it is said that only Maersk which is the leader in Container ship transportation have ventured into buying 10 number of ships from Daewoo. The increased container capacity poses lot of technical queries, which need to be taken care of. 1. To account for the increased number of containers the length and width of the ship would be needed to be increased proportionately. This increase would again pose problems to the ships manovereability. It is known that ships have to navigate through various canals that exist between high seas to cross across continents. The PanaMax of size 4100 TEU’s delivered in 1980 was the largest to be delivered in those times and was named by its ability to pass through the Panama Canal. There was however no major change in the next twelve years and the size hovered around 4500-5500 TEU’s. Ships of length 294.1m, width 32.3m and draft of 12m was the maximum dimension of a ship capable of passing the Panama Canal. An accident leading to the slippage of 4 containers containing lethal arsenic oxide into the sea in 1992 near New Jersey lead to the International Maritime Organization (IMO) adopting the guidelines on safe securing of cargoes and became part of the International Convention for Safety of life at sea, 1974. (SOLAS) This required the ship must have a Cargo securing manual approved by the Flag State.( Container Ship Types, 2000) Most container ships built thereafter were an offshoot of the PanaMax category with increased TEU. The Post-PanaMax built in 1996 had a capacity of 6400TEU. By 1999 this size had increased to 9000 TEU’s. These ships have cell guides which enable better arrangement of container cargo above deck. However five cargo holds were unprotected from rain and rough seas which made it very critical to have an efficient bilge or waste water disposal system. The Suez-Max Large container ships (ULCS) built thereafter were capable of carrying 12000 TEU’s. The Post-Suez-Max ships are classified as those ships which can carry capacities upto 18000 TEU. Th is would require a ship breadth of 60m with a maximum draft of 21m. The Suez Canal is being revamped to accommodate these increased sizes of ships in the current years. Ships of 18000TEU are classified as Malacca Max since the Malacca strait offers a draft of 21m. The harbours of Singapore and Rotterdam are the other ports that offer such drafts. (Container Ship Types, 2000). Therefore it is inevitable that while placing orders for such large container shi

Code Switching Linguistic Activity English Language Essay

Code Switching Linguistic Activity English Language Essay Code-switching is the linguistic activity when bilingual speakers use more than one language within one, and the same conversational context (Appel Muysken, 1987:117; Grosjean ,1982; Romaine, 1989). Researchers have come up with various reasons for what motivates bilingual speakers to code-switch. Two areas which have attracted widespread research are code-switching as a result of linguistic motivations, and the socially or psychologically motivated code-switching. Sometimes Bilingual speakers deliberately use words or lexis from another of the known languages when they lack a particular word in the language being spoken, to compensate for a linguistic need. In other words the easier accessibility of a word lexicon in the other language motivates them to use it. This is what is referred to as the most available word phenomenon (Grosjean 1982:151), as speakers consciously or unconsciously fall back to the easily accessible lexicon . Studies of second language speakers (L2) use of communication strategies have shown that bilinguals often resort to their first language (L1) intentionally to solve lexical communication problems in the L2 (Bialystok, 1983; Poulisse 1990). Olsen (1999) cites several instances where Norwegian children learning English unconsciously code-switch to Norwegian as a compensatory strategy due to lack of appropriate words. In line with this argument are models of some speech production that categorise bilingual languages in terms of their structural constraints within the speakers lexicon. Myers-Scotton (1992) makes a distinction between languages within what she referred to us matrix language frame model. In this model the language providing more morphemes for the relevant interaction type than the other languages used in the same conversation is the matrix language'(ML)( Myers-Scotton 1992:105). The matrix language plays the more dominant role in the conversation between bilinguals. The other language(s), which by comparison to ML have relatively fewer morphemes for that particular interaction are known as embedded language (EL). Myers-Scotton (1982) argues that the speaker always accesses ML lemmas and builds the morpho-syntactic frames on the basis of the relevant information contained in those lemmas. However, it is really difficult to pinpoint whether the matrix language framework consciously or unconsciously comes into play when a speaker switches codes. Socially Motivated Code-switching The socially motivated code switching, which is the most widely researched area has exposed numerous references. Socially or psychologically motivated code-switching may be practised when a speaker aims, in some instances, to emphasise their identity or group membership, or it may be that they want to mark a change of subject, to specify a particular addressee, to draw attention to a particular part of the message, to express certain emotions or to mark asides from the ongoing discourse (Grosjean 1982: 149-57; Appel and Muysken 1987: 118-20; Giesbers 1989:28). Some scholars have argued that most code-switching is intentional behaviour albeit without the speakers awareness ( Nortier 1989:4). There are cases, however, where unintended code-switching occur as a result of language interference . These may be referred to as incidental language switches, slips of the tongue or accidental speech errors ( Poulisse Bongaerts 1994: 37). As mentioned already, L2 speakers often resort to L1 intentionally to solve lexical communication problems in the L2 (Bialystock 1983). They may switch unintentionally, however, when L1 words are easily accessible in the place of the appropriate L2 ones . It would appear that there is an intersection between the linguistic and social motivations for code-switching. Myers-Scottons (1982) matrix language (ML) model imply that some languages are more dominant than others within a conversational context and, she also claims that language codes are indexical of social relationships (1989). In the latter case, through language code, a speaker is established as a certain kind of person in relation to others. She claims that language code specifically indexes a particular set of rights and obligations that will hold between participants in an interaction. In this regard, a speaker will select a code that indexes the rights and obligations that he/she wishes to be in force between himself and others. Myers-Scotton has identified different patterns of code-switching based on the notion of markedness. An unmarkedchoice means an expected choice, one that is associated with the type of interaction in which it occurs. This is an attempt to redefine relationship (Myers-Scotton 1989:334). She describes recorded instances of marked and unmarked choices of code-switching . The two examples, recorded in Kenya involves two friends and four young office workers. In the first instance, a Principal visits a friend who works in a car sales company. The Principal speaks Swahili to a guard at the gate, but switches to English when talking to the receptionist at the same organisation. At the friends office the two friends, who speak one L1 switch codes unmarkedly from Luhya (L1) to Swahili and sometimes to English. She argues that language in this instance is a mark of social identity. In the first instance, the Principal speaks Swahili to the guard at the gate because he places the guard among th e social category of those who speak Swahili but are not educated enough to be able to speak English. The receptionist, on the other hand belongs to another social category, that of those who can speak English. Marked choices, on the other hand may serve different functions. Among in-group members marked choices may, for instance, encode solidarity among a small number within the group ( Myers-Scotton 1989 :336) as the case of the young office workers illustrates. Four young office workers in the same government ministry in Nairobi are chatting. Two are Kikuyu, one is a Kisii and one is a Kalenjin. Swahili-English switching has been the unmarked choice when suddenly the two Kikuyu persons switch to their language. The conversation which was about setting up a group emergency fund suddenly stops when the Kikuyu switch to their language to make a disparaging remark about what has been said. This is a marked choice communicating solidarity between the two Kikuyu but distancing them from others. This action motivates the Kisii to complain in Swahili and English, and the Kalenjin makes a switch from Swahili to English , a marked choice, to return the discussion to a more business-like plane (Mye rs-Scotton 1989: 336). In other examples, marked codes may result from switching which are associated with emotion, social status or authority . In those instances, switches often encode more social distance between participants, sometimes out of anger or a desire to lower the addressee or increase ones own status. Codes-witching in this category is related to and indicative of group membership in particular speech communities (Auer 1998). The extent and the regularity with which they use two or more languages within a conversation may vary to a considerable degree between speech communities. This marked choice is usually associated with authority, more commonly in former colonial regimes where the colonisers language such as English was a mark of power (Myers-Scotton 1989 ). In all these activities the interlocutors are undertaking communication strategy to compensate for a social or linguistic inadequacy. Code-switching as Contextualisation Code-switching studies have also looked at strategic activities of speakers in varying their communicative behaviour within a socially agreed matrix of conventions, which are used to alert participants in the course of the on-going interaction to the social and situational context of the convention. Conversation participants appear to exploit variable spoken language elements at all linguistic levels ( Local 1986; Local et al 1986) and at non-verbal level ( Duncan 1969, 1972; Kendon 1977) to contextualise their suppositions. According to Gumperz (1982:132-135) contextualisation conventions or contextualisation cues function to signal participants orientation to each other. As an example, Chinese/ English bilingual speakers switch languages to contextualise preference organisation and repairs ( Weir Milroy 1995: 296). By building a contrast in language choice for two stretches of conversation , the speakers are able to draw attention to details of the projected course of conversation and to check each others understandings. This is relevant, particularly in contextualisation preference organisation. Preference organisation refers to ranking of alternative second parts of the so-called adjacency pairs, such as acceptance or refusal of an offer or agreement or disagreement with an assessment (Levinson 1983; Pomeranz 1984). Wei Milroy (1995: 281-299) demonstrate this in their study of code-switching among three generations of a Chinese community in the North Eastern part of England. In one context B offers her assessment of As new dress- ho leng very pretty . As response to this consists first of a reflective question in Chinese leng me ? pretty ?. This type of question is formed by partial repetition plus question marker me and has discourse similar to English tags such as isnt it? really?, suggesting that the interaction functions as a hedge heralding a further dispreferred assessment of dress, and indicates only a qualified agreement with Bs original assessment ( Pomeranz 1984). When B asks for confirmation in the following turn gua a guai a? expensive or not? , As preferred response is in Chinese the same language as Bs question. Sometimes code-switching is used primarily to contextualise imminent completion of a turn or talk or topic shifts, but at other times they have the capacity to signal meanings such as irony or seriousness, and social identities and attitudes of the participants. Auer (1984, 1991) has argued that bilingual code-switching should be analysed as a contextualisation cue, because it works in many ways like other contextualisation cues. However, code-switching has some characteristics of its own in addition to those it shares with such elements as gestures, prosodies and phonological variables. In particular, the sequential organisation of alternative choices of language provides a frame of reference for the interpretation of functions or meanings of conversational code-switching. Code-switching for Political and Economic Reasons Language choice and shift may also be due to political and economic reasons. People recognise that the official language becomes the vehicle of political participation and socio-economic mobility (Myers-Cotton 1993a:28). The competition among groups for primacy of one language over others, or at least parity with others is based on the supposed superiority of a language. If ethnic groups language become official, its members have a head start , while others have to try and identify with it. On the other hand, many nations, particularly those which were formerly colonised have always opted for their former colonial language choice or shifts due to its diversity and the fear of domination by others (Myers-Scotton 1983a). Thus, as already been illustrated, code-switching to a language such as English, French or Portuguese, for example, installs the speaker to a position of authority, power or social superiority over others in those multilingual communities formerly colonised . The distribution and use of language choices in multilingual communities, therefore, can reveal not only the extent of stability of intergroup relationships, but also the ways in which the regulation of access to symbolic resources is tied to the regulation of access to material ones ( Heller 1992:123). Code switching in this instance, therefore, may or may not be conventional depending on the setting or context of the conversation. For instance, we have mentioned where code-switching is an unmarked expected behaviour , for example, among peer in-groups and where it is marked and intended to put down someone considered to be inferior. In socio-political terms code-switching may represent part of a range of linguistic resources upon which people can draw to define the value of resources they control and to regulate access to them. In line with this argument, resources are distributed by specific groups in specific situations through the provision and evaluation, among other things, of symbolic, including verbal, performances (Heller 1992:123). A good example of this use of language is the French-English code-switching in a variety of settings in Quebec and Ontario Canada ( Heller 1992), where code-switching is used as a means of drawing on symbolic resources and deploying them in order to gain or deny access to these symbolic or material resources. The understanding being developed above builds on Bourdieus concepts of symbolic capital and symbolic market places, and Gumperzs concepts of speech economies and verbal repertoires (Bourdieu 1977, 1982; Gumperz 1982). In these instances code-switching is a means of calling into play specific forms of linguistic and cultural knowledge, forms which conventionally possess certain kinds of value (Heller 1992: 124). The value is linked to the extent to which these forms facilitate access to situations where other kinds of symbolic and material resources are distributed, resources which themselves have value based on prevailing modes of organisation of social life in the community and who controls them. The resources in question are not just those with concrete functional value but those related in more indirect ways to the methods people have of not only acquiring the basic things they need to survive, but also of acquiring various forms of power and solidarity ( Heller 1992: 123). Finally, in relation to the linguistic motivation to codeswitching is the grammatical theory and how this structures and explains it. Muysken (1995:178) argues that formulation of this is crucial for research in linguistics as a scientific discipline. He thus poses a number of important questions that may help to explain how lexicon and grammar of a language structure code-switching. Some of the questions relate to the extent to which we can rely on properties of individual words, when we produce and comprehend utterances, and to what extent we can rely on general rules of the language we speak. Other important questions relate to whether we can reduce the differences between languages to lexical differences. Muysken (1995) proposes a universal explanation , for instance, when sentences are built up with items drawn from lexicons from two languages. He proposes a model that believes there is a general set of constraints on code-switching, constituted, for example, by structural equiv alence (Poplack 1980) or government (Discuiullo, Muysken and Singh 1986), or matrix language embedded asymmetry (Myers-Scotton 1993a). In conclusion, it is clear that code-switching is a vast and complex linguistic area of knowledge. For instance, this discussion has illustrated the general and less complex cases of the practice whereby learners in L2 code-switch to their L1 unconsciously to compensate their poor grasp of L2 ( Olsen 1999; Grosjean 1982). The discussion then delved in greater detail into the socially motivated code-switching, where the concept of a matrix language and the idea markedness is demonstrated in a conversation among bilingual speakers (Myers-Scotton 1982; 1989). Using Myers-Scotton (1982) explanation of how a matrix language (ML) dominates over embedded language within a conversation context , and the concept of markedness the essay demonstrates how code-switching becomes a deliberate tool for bilinguals to perform certain linguistic acts, for example, that of showing their social positions of power, education or even to discriminate others. More complex sociolinguistic aspects of code-switching such as contextualisation and its use for political and economic reasons have been discussed. We have discussed how contextualisation in code-switching help to complete a conversation turn or talk or topic shifts, but how at other times they have they signal meanings such as irony or seriousness, and attitudes of the participants ( Wei and Milroy 1995). An important sociolinguistic discussion of this essay has been how code-switching is practised for political reasons. We have seen how there is competition among groups for primacy of one language over others based on the supposed superiority of a particular language. This essay considered how when an ethnic groups language becomes official, its members are assumed to have a head start , thereby motivating others to try and identify with this language. Furthermore, many nations, particularly those which were formerly colonised have always opted for their former colonial language choice or shifts because it is believed that it is diverse, and they also fear being dominated by others (Myers-Scotton 1983a). Finally were discussions on research proposals on the relation between grammar and code-switching. In relation to the linguistic motivation to codeswitching is the grammatical theory and how this structures and explains it. Muysken (1995:178) proposes a formulation of a model structured within earlier research.

The Idealism of Kurt Vonnegut :: Biography Biographies Essays

The Idealism of Kurt Vonnegut Kurt Vonnegut was greatly influenced by his involvement in World War II. His entanglement with the Dresden bombing had an unequivocal effect upon his mentality, and the horrid experience propelled the liberal anti-war assertions that dominate many of his novels. Throughout his life, his idealistic nature has perceptibly undulated, and five representative novels illustrate the forceful progression and gradual declivity of his liberal views. The first thirty years of his life outwardly coincided with the average American man. He was born in Indianapolis on November 11, 1922, and lived a happy childhood with a stable family. He then proceeded to pursue science in college, serve his country in World War II, study under the GI Bill after the war, and land a job in public relations before becoming a full-time writer. Even his large and growing family seemed to capture the true spirit of the American ideal. However, one element of his past would affect him in a way that would change his life forever. In December 1944, he was captured by the Germans at the Battle of the Bulge. He and his fellow POWs were taken to Dresden, an "open" city rich with architectural treasures and devoid of any military value. British and American planes needlessly firebombed the city on the night of February 13, 1945, hoping to inspire terror in the Germans and crush their fighting spirit. Over 135,000 civilians were killed-twice the amount of casualties at Hiroshima. The insane horror and absurdity of the Dresden attack remained deeply etched into Vonnegut's mind from that day forward. Nearly two decades later, Vonnegut published Mother Night, a novel that displays the profound influence that the massacre exerted upon him. It contains this stirring autobiographical account of his Dresden experience in its preface: We didn't get to see the fire storm. We were in a cool meat-locker under the slaughterhouse with our six guards

Indigenous Religions and Their Sacred Reverence Toward Nature

Indigenous Religions and their Sacred Reverence Toward Nature Kimberly Kitterman Barstow Community College Abstract Many indigenous religions and cultures viewed the earth with great respect and reverence. This can be seen through their kinship with the land, their belief in animism, their hunter/hunted relationship, and their origin stories. Indigenous Religions and their Sacred Reverence Toward Nature Most indigenous cultures had a profound respect for their environment.They believed that their relationship with nature was very sacred, they believed the earth needed to be treated with dignity and reverence, they believed in harmony with their surroundings. Speaking of indigenous religions, Lewis (1995) wrote, They defined themselves by the land, by the sacred places that bounded and shaped their world. They recognized a unity in their physical and spiritual universes, the union of natural and supernatural. Their origin cycles, oral traditions, and cosmologies connected them with al l animate and inanimate beings, past and present. p. 423) Molly wrote, â€Å"Environmentalist David Suzuki argues that we must look to native peoples and religions for insightful lessons in the relationship between human beings and nature. † (2005, p. 39) Native religions had a much different view of the world than we had today, and that view can be seen in the way they lived, their religious ceremonies, and even in the things they take from nature. We should begin our discussion of indigenous religions by defining what one is.The term indigenous refers to a culture that originated in a certain area. Indigenous can be used interchangeably with words such as native, oral, primal, tribal, traditional, and aboriginal. These cultures can be found anywhere in the world, in every climate and every type of environment. Different from global religions like Christianity and Islam, each of these religions were formed in isolation from everything else, causing huge variations in languag e, beliefs, customs, traditions, myths, and origin stories. (Molly, 2005)In his book Experiencing the World's Religions, Michael Molloy wrote, â€Å"Most indigenous religions have sprung from tribal cultures of small numbers, whose survival has required a cautious and respectful relationship with nature. In the worldview of these religions, human beings are very much a part of nature. † (2005, p. 41) Many of these cultures view nature as a living breathing entity, and something that deserves respect and love. Many feel a kinship with nature, believing that we came from the environment and will someday return to the environment.Some even believe the animals to be their brothers and sisters – that each living thing was created of the same substance and came from the same earth. The Mayan text Popol Vuh, Taylor (2005) wrote, tells of an origin story of an previous group: An origin myth in which an earlier race of humans were destroyed for the disregard they showed animals and inanimate objects cautions people to respect the natural world, while humans' relationship of dependence on a Creator who is embodied in the unity of sky and Earth reinforces the sacredness of the world. (p. 34) This quote shows just how seriously the native cultures treated nature. Their respect was so great, that cautionary tales of what can happen if you don't have that respect even became a part of their origin stories. A notable belief that is common among many tribal cultures is the belief of â€Å"animism. † Molloy defined animism as coming from the Latin word anima meaning â€Å"life force† or â€Å"spirit. † He continued that animism is a worldview common among indigenous religions that believes all of nature has a spirit, or is filled with spirits (2005, p. 41).Forbes wrote that animism can also be known as â€Å"life-ism,† and â€Å"it is true that most or perhaps all Native Americans see the entire universe as being alive – that i s, as having movement and an ability to act. † (2001, p. 284) This belief of animism is a major contributing factor in indigenous religions sacred relationship with nature. Molly related an experience with four Oglala Sioux shamans: â€Å"When asked about what was wakan (â€Å"holy,† â€Å"mysterious†), said, ‘Every object in the world has a spirit and that spirit is wakan. Thus the spirit[s] of the tree or things of that kind, while not like the spirit of man, are also wakan. † (2005, p. 41) Believing that each tree has a spirit, each animal is a brother or sister, each rock and hill has a life force would alter your perception of the world. Your feelings toward those things might be changed a bit, knowing that they have as much life in them as you do. Black Elk, a Native American, said, † We should understand well that all things are the works of the Great Spirit. We should know that He is within all things: the trees, the grasses, the rivers , the mountains, and all the four-legged animals, and the winged peoples. (Goffman, 2005) Whether a tribal culture believed in a Great Spirit, or Mother Earth, or felt that a certain tree held a powerful spirit, many of the native religions worshiped the earth and held it in a highly sacred regard. â€Å"To say that nature is full of spirits can be a way of affirming the presence of both a universal life force and an essential, underlying sacredness. † (Molly, 2005, p. 41) Molloy continues: In a world that is animated by spirits, human beings must treat all things with care. If a spirit is injured or insulted, it can retaliate.Human beings must therefore show that they respect nature, especially the animals and plants that they kill to eat. Human beings must understand the existence and ways of the spirit world so that they can avoid harm and incur blessings. (p. 42) The native cultures constantly walked a fine line of balance. Everything was done with care and consideration for their environment and the spirits that lived in the earth all around them. Upsetting that balance could cause great harm to them and their people, but maintaining the balance and pleasing the spirits could bring blessings to the people.We can also see this respect even in the things the tribal cultures would take from the earth. Lewis (1995) related: Indians managed this world's bounty and diversity based on years of accumulated wisdom–the trial and error of previous generations. They acknowledged the earth's power and the reciprocal obligation between hunter and hunted. They acted to appease spirits who endowed the world. Native peoples celebrated the earth's annual rebirth and offered thanks for her first fruits.They ritually prepared the animals they killed, the agricultural fields they tended, and the vegetal and mineral materials they processed. (p. 423) Indigenous cultures sacred relationship with nature led to a contract of sorts with the earth. Most cultures would take only what they needed, and nothing else. They would also be certain to use every part of whatever was taken. If an animal was killed for food, they would eat everything edible, they would clean and tan the hide to use for clothing or shelter, they would find use for the bones in ceremonies or as weapons – nothing went to waste.This attitude of â€Å"waste not, want not† was to show respect to the earth for providing the people with the things that they needed to live. Goffman (2005) wrote, â€Å"For Native Americans, the relationship between hunter and prey was not just a processing of material resources; many native hunters apologized to the animals they killed. After killing a bear, one chief, Wawatam, conducted a ceremony wherein he lamented the necessity of killing a ‘friend'. † The culture took very seriously this responsibility to maintain balance and show respect to mother nature.Molloy told of the native Hawaiian's practice that, â€Å"fishi ng in certain areas would be temporarily forbidden (kapu, or taboo) in order to allow the fish population to be replenished. † (2005, p. 42) Tribal people lived so much at one with the land that they knew it inside and out. They knew the patterns of the animals that lived on the land, and they knew what they could take without depleting the population, and when they needed to find sustenance from other sources to allow the earth to replenish itself.Taylor (2005) explained the practice of the Itza' Maya in the lowland Peten forest of Guatemala: The Itza' Maya, who have lived in the Peten for centuries, plant more crops and tree species than do neighboring Q'eqchi' Maya (who moved to the forest from the highlands) or non indigenous Ladinos. Itza' also farm in ways that are less harmful to the soil and more productive, and show a more sophisticated understanding of forest ecology than do the other groups.One factor in Itza' agricultural and forestry practices is a belief that spi rits act as intermediaries for particular forest species, and these must be cared for and respected, while the intimate local knowledge of the Itza' – inextricably linked to their worldview and spiritual traditions – guides sustainable management and farming practices. (p. 835) The indigenous people that had lived in that area for centuries knew the land as well as someone might know a member of their family, showing the enormously sacred bond they had with their environment.Stories like this one of the Itza' Maya are more the rule than the exception – so many of the native cultures held the belief of a sacred earth that must be treated with respect, only taking what you need and nothing more. We can also observe the sacred nature of the relationship between nature and indigenous religion by reflecting on their various origin stories. Grim (1998) related this For the Dine/Navajo, the encounter with mystery is as evident as the wind which brought existence into b eing. One chanter described it this way:Wind existed first, as a person, and when the Earth began its existence Wind took care of it. We started existing where Darknesses, lying on one another, occurred. Here, the one that had lain on top became Dawn, whitening across. What used to be lying on one another back then, this is Wind. It was Darkness. That is why when Darkness settles over you at night it breezes beautifully. It is this, it is a person, they say. From there where it dawns, when it dawns beautifully becoming white-streaked through the Dawn, it usually breezes.Wind exists beautifully, they say. Back there in the underworlds, this was a person it seems. Here the beauty of primordial existence is remembered and felt in the experience of Wind. Taylor (2005) explained where the Maya believe they originated from: â€Å"For the Maya and other Meso American peoples, spiritual links to nature are clearly expressed in beliefs and traditions relating to maize. The first humans were made of corn, according to the Popol Vuh, and corn cultivation remains central to the lives or rural people throughout Mexico and Central America. † (p. 34) Molloy wrote of the people of the Acoma Pueblo, who believed that two sisters lived in the earth, and eventually climbed out of their home in the ground through a hole. They became the first human beings on earth, and one of the sisters became the mother of the Pueblo. (2005) Each story of how the world and the people came to be is vastly different. Some believe that the earth was created by a High God, some think that the world took shape from the mist, some say that this world rose out of previous earths. (Molloy, 2005) No matter what the origin myth, each culture believed that the earth was created for them.They could see the honor of being keepers of the earth and took the responsibility very seriously. So what can be learned from studying the relationship between the indigenous peoples and nature? From their origin s tories, to their kinship with the land, to their respectful hunting attitude, to their belief that everything around us has just as much of a spirit as we do, we can witness their sacred relationship with the earth. The native peoples believed the earth to be sacred – a thing that must be cared for and respected or it would retaliate.I believe that in the not so distant past, many humans have lost sight of the reverence with which we once looked at the environment, and that the earth has begun to retaliate. Though I may not believe that rocks have spirits, I do believe that the indigenous cultures were on to something with their respectful and sacred attitude toward nature. If we as a people can learn to adopt some of the same feelings toward the earth, the earth might give us back some of what has been lost to greed and destruction. References Forbes, J. D. (2001). Indigenous Americans: Spirituality and Ecos.Daedalus, 130(4), 283-300. Retrieved from http://search. proquest. com/docview/210569466? accountid=2163 Goffman, E. (2005) God, humanity, and nature: Comparative religious views of the environment. Retrieved from: http://www. csa. com/discoveryguides/envrel/review. php Grim, J. A. (1998). Indigenous traditions and ecology. Earth Ethics, 10 (1). Lewis, D. R. (1995). Native Americans and the environment: A survey of twentieth-century issues. American Indian Quarterly, 19(3), 423-423. Retrieved from http://search. proquest. com/docview/216849866? accountid=2163 Molloy, M.

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